tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-83884256087755835802024-03-19T03:16:04.010+00:00CPA/AJPABlog oficial da Comissão Portuguesa do Atlântico e da Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico. As opiniões aqui expressas vinculam apenas os seus autores e não a CPA nem a AJPA.Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.comBlogger94125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-72673711144028174442011-07-09T20:59:00.008+01:002011-07-09T21:07:02.915+01:0016.º Seminário da AJPA - Convite - 23 a 30 de Julho<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhv1oh58zrJUHt3OrI4mmDWlE_rHSyJqEykNJhR-VhyphenhyphenczVo3rknrftAcXyUiHkIfx0XfiLQzT1oa_65J6K7OGvHQD1Wgw7u1kYbHTlagUADVZ8eJPdcLOLk4XNiZ4pK7B0_b6w0fRYxkZ6y/s1600/16+PAYS+-+Cartaz+-+Small.jpg" onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 226px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhv1oh58zrJUHt3OrI4mmDWlE_rHSyJqEykNJhR-VhyphenhyphenczVo3rknrftAcXyUiHkIfx0XfiLQzT1oa_65J6K7OGvHQD1Wgw7u1kYbHTlagUADVZ8eJPdcLOLk4XNiZ4pK7B0_b6w0fRYxkZ6y/s320/16+PAYS+-+Cartaz+-+Small.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5627445460813287650" /></a><br /><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span"><u><br /></u></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Caríssimos(as) colegas e amigos(as),</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A Comissão Portuguesa do Atlântico e a Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico têm o enorme prazer em convidá-los a participar no 16.º Seminário da Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico, que decorrerá na Escola Naval, Alfeite, entre os dias 23 (chegadas) e 30 (partidas) de Julho de 2011, subordinado ao tema "NATO's Strategy in the 21st Century".</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Para obter a documentação necessária para efectuar a candidatura solicitamos que nos envie um e-mail para secretariadoajpa@gmail.com. Pedimos a todos os interessados que nos façam chegar a ficha de inscrição e a documentação adicional necessária tão breve quanto possível.</div>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-16062869241421801912010-07-24T01:45:00.007+01:002012-03-06T00:49:12.514+00:0015.º Seminário da AJPA - Comunicado de Imprensa<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihHHrdjVoPU1SHod8JMNC0-8Q1nj7eAM3tPEIrLRT2kSgfJaL-5id48U7rTy8s70JkzeBkBMawz8OKg9O6twNhGJrFlj6qFqhA2QDj5Za7job6u2GVtnLHTd3HKGPOywIjCJsXCgu9z-qo/s1600/15+PAYS+-+Cartaz.jpg" onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 400px; height: 283px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihHHrdjVoPU1SHod8JMNC0-8Q1nj7eAM3tPEIrLRT2kSgfJaL-5id48U7rTy8s70JkzeBkBMawz8OKg9O6twNhGJrFlj6qFqhA2QDj5Za7job6u2GVtnLHTd3HKGPOywIjCJsXCgu9z-qo/s400/15+PAYS+-+Cartaz.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5497269276304483554" /></a><br /><div style="text-align: center;"><b>15.º Seminário da Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico</b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b>24-31 Julho - Base Aérea 1 - Sintra</b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b>Comunicado de Imprensa</b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A Comissão Portuguesa do Atlântico e a Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico organizam pelo 15.º ano consecutivo o Seminário Internacional da Juventude, este ano subordinado ao tema do Novo Conceito Estratégico da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN), contando para isso com 40 participantes representativos de 18 nacionalidades de Estados Membros e Parceiros para a Paz desta organização. O seminário decorre de 24 a 31 de Julho na Base Aérea 1 de Sintra. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A sessão inaugural terá lugar às 17:45 do dia 24 de Julho, contando com a presença do Sr. Secretário de Estado da Defesa, Marcos Perestrello, como key-note speaker, estando a imprensa convidada a assistir. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Agradece-se confirmação com a finalidade de se tratar da credenciação para aceder às instalações da Base Aérea 1 (por telefone para Sofia Moniz Galvão – 915816611).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">O programa do Seminário, que contará com vários oradores, como por exemplo, o Professor Nuno Severiano Teixeira, ex-Ministro da Defesa, e o Sr. Embaixador Manuel Tomás Fernandes Pereira, Representante Permanente na NATO, encontra-se disponível <a href="http://cpatl.org/newsletters/15pays_programme.pdf">aqui</a>.</div>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-74190538819534748492010-06-06T20:01:00.000+01:002010-06-06T20:02:55.929+01:0015.º Seminário da AJPA - Convite - 24 a 31 de Julho<div style="text-align: justify;">Caríssimos(as) colegas e amigos(as), </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A Comissão Portuguesa do Atlântico e a Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico têm o enorme prazer em convidá-los a participar no 15.º Seminário da Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico, que decorrerá na Base Aérea N.º 1, em Sintra, entre os dias 24 (chegadas) e 31 (partidas) de Julho de 2010, subordinado ao tema "NATO's New Strategic Concept: road to Lisbon". </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Para obter a documentação necessária para efectuar a candidatura solicitamos que nos envie um e-mail para secretariadoajpa@gmail.com. Pedimos a todos os interessados que nos façam chegar a ficha de inscrição e a documentação adicional necessária até ao dia 30 de Junho de 2010. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Com os melhores cumprimentos</div>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-73440631772598824542010-05-16T15:50:00.009+01:002010-05-16T16:19:33.846+01:00Advanced Research Workshop - "Perceptions of NATO: a balance 60 years after" (May 17 and 18)<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgfSh3Lw1_olrZ2xI7DerEjVyChTsYwQVnc3l6Jo48rLRSznnGTIzG7KmfZ0kD6EjuaqhGTMhtrCKllBCXiml-HS6tIPGfO4qMhGybpQCLrkq2UQa37KfgXnmlHAjDiwXe9wnQ1OUDa_Krm/s1600/cartaz1.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 283px; height: 400px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgfSh3Lw1_olrZ2xI7DerEjVyChTsYwQVnc3l6Jo48rLRSznnGTIzG7KmfZ0kD6EjuaqhGTMhtrCKllBCXiml-HS6tIPGfO4qMhGybpQCLrkq2UQa37KfgXnmlHAjDiwXe9wnQ1OUDa_Krm/s400/cartaz1.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471880828441083794" /></a><br /><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi-8kct1utCh3YzdJYb7jZj0Hl2Sf9b8ysroGu8qZP9_2DIRHQ3DJ_QO39VjF9MocCq37dvN34lpKRVjuv5Pai0tEAFTTS3JgHIAHDbXlgjdNueOVYieMkYLuHKde53SBMt8qh1hcm0YEXI/s1600/programa.jpg"><img style="display: block; margin-top: 0px; margin-right: auto; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: auto; cursor: pointer; width: 400px; height: 188px; text-align: center; " src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi-8kct1utCh3YzdJYb7jZj0Hl2Sf9b8ysroGu8qZP9_2DIRHQ3DJ_QO39VjF9MocCq37dvN34lpKRVjuv5Pai0tEAFTTS3JgHIAHDbXlgjdNueOVYieMkYLuHKde53SBMt8qh1hcm0YEXI/s400/programa.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471880823579799138" /></a><div style="text-align: center;">(clique na imagem para aumentar)</div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><i><div style="text-align: justify;">“Perceptions of NATO: a balance 60 years after”, directed by Luís Nuno Rodrigues (ISCTE-IUL e IPRI) and Volodymyr Dubovyk (Odessa N. University). This Advanced Research Workshop will provide an assessment of how NATO and its mission are perceived today in the world. This topic is particularly relevant when the Organization just completed 60 years of existence and is in a process of redifining its strategic concept. The ARW will evaluate how NATO is seen and perceived both in member countries and in countries that do not belong to the Organization. Special attention will be given to the younger generations, raised after the Cold War, and to the way they see NATO’s role, mission and utility in the 21st Century. (<a href="http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=117232751636260&ref=ts">também aqui</a>)</div></i>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-8754704092628100462010-05-15T18:31:00.001+01:002010-05-15T18:36:21.492+01:00SIMOTAN V - Official Journal - Day 2<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjV95K0ItjrqvQbsaomAMPrKuh2GV5JFOPEXcDNN2vajwGLqRkEZhB8oY16rRZPtjFjIv5CC6sBL0snfOQ23iRHg0KBqpCzN3bhOhL4bF_zEcQKLsjA0hSBGBI5Pln9Qk7iExrkdn5f3jm0/s1600/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+2_1.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 283px; height: 400px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjV95K0ItjrqvQbsaomAMPrKuh2GV5JFOPEXcDNN2vajwGLqRkEZhB8oY16rRZPtjFjIv5CC6sBL0snfOQ23iRHg0KBqpCzN3bhOhL4bF_zEcQKLsjA0hSBGBI5Pln9Qk7iExrkdn5f3jm0/s400/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+2_1.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471551976939051938" /></a><br /><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitd75grO3eHDcJsVXMKukBZkAq-oKmGMtPZxNlBbQOeb_6CVg2z6BbIzTP-R0EaqdDJdprJmgOwJRiDo5meItZPpIWoF3DdDULB66ZS1qlaHys7EVXTDSlKojVorCyLcpWTRe3BpslkSW-/s1600/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+2_2.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 283px; height: 400px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitd75grO3eHDcJsVXMKukBZkAq-oKmGMtPZxNlBbQOeb_6CVg2z6BbIzTP-R0EaqdDJdprJmgOwJRiDo5meItZPpIWoF3DdDULB66ZS1qlaHys7EVXTDSlKojVorCyLcpWTRe3BpslkSW-/s400/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+2_2.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471551971325091234" /></a><br /><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhCwhA-7rNTLagEaOvxPj7Ji7GbCBjit27zTSvJAA8eErgayIVulTYVRFjHfm6jxDZma7dSL8GbdHxLqldN8vFCRswLRHHPykxPIgI7qi4H9gnWWmO-7Rs4MFZIcVygDhei309n9W1Cp9Wp/s1600/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+2_3.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 283px; height: 400px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhCwhA-7rNTLagEaOvxPj7Ji7GbCBjit27zTSvJAA8eErgayIVulTYVRFjHfm6jxDZma7dSL8GbdHxLqldN8vFCRswLRHHPykxPIgI7qi4H9gnWWmO-7Rs4MFZIcVygDhei309n9W1Cp9Wp/s400/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+2_3.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471551962871977698" /></a><br /><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtkzH1zCaVAC1FWoQj9wlKObZR0PNikpdQU4j6R4oI1mkkO99_RXaIgoB3mJMcqInGEvwDb1f6E_Ud2aUkesI26ZSJJ4a_Y0uS8akKycNBS9RkTGK7-HYe-7FP8KWNhtIz67vJfrKhb0WQ/s1600/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+2_4.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 283px; height: 400px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtkzH1zCaVAC1FWoQj9wlKObZR0PNikpdQU4j6R4oI1mkkO99_RXaIgoB3mJMcqInGEvwDb1f6E_Ud2aUkesI26ZSJJ4a_Y0uS8akKycNBS9RkTGK7-HYe-7FP8KWNhtIz67vJfrKhb0WQ/s400/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+2_4.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471551957894834818" /></a>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-36529927597933391952010-05-15T18:28:00.002+01:002010-05-15T18:32:58.240+01:00SIMOTAN V - Official Journal - Day 1<div style="text-align: center;"><br /></div><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4R3qa1hukCrawmPTxWD5NFFBwWexutXqpcBDOa91zcS-RrrpgH6WPtLWC4Ur4bkcNZVRvoLEAEHrk6wKSoMhGm_vQJMaTkE1-PrcZK3CfNKe65_VXO7jm54vJ0xEOZJ5mirCXAlMjpY3t/s1600/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+1_1.jpg"></a><div><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4R3qa1hukCrawmPTxWD5NFFBwWexutXqpcBDOa91zcS-RrrpgH6WPtLWC4Ur4bkcNZVRvoLEAEHrk6wKSoMhGm_vQJMaTkE1-PrcZK3CfNKe65_VXO7jm54vJ0xEOZJ5mirCXAlMjpY3t/s1600/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+1_1.jpg" style="text-decoration: none;"><img style="text-align: left;display: block; margin-top: 0px; margin-right: auto; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: auto; cursor: pointer; width: 283px; height: 400px; " src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg4R3qa1hukCrawmPTxWD5NFFBwWexutXqpcBDOa91zcS-RrrpgH6WPtLWC4Ur4bkcNZVRvoLEAEHrk6wKSoMhGm_vQJMaTkE1-PrcZK3CfNKe65_VXO7jm54vJ0xEOZJ5mirCXAlMjpY3t/s400/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+1_1.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471550401816366066" /></a></div><div><div style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: left;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#0000EE;"><br /></span></div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#0000EE;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-text-decorations-in-effect: underline; "><img src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiNTEYDYJ1PsIz8awyzv97bryAN858XNxwrnA7W7FgrRoE5-hVf_DSrTY5nXbmQ2fdboRy00FVTu1NxXixQKmCnUVkgfJCidUYKEbpJGElls6OPTNHNZKxzMRMtu-80A2EfbiyZYAC43Pzp/s400/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+1_2.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471550403108847074" style="display: block; margin-top: 0px; margin-right: auto; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: auto; text-align: center; cursor: pointer; width: 283px; height: 400px; " /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#0000EE;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#0000EE;"><img src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhap7rIfCN5HKLquNgLLSEo9ENZPVRFXlYP-TYVGKb3yCbNyMgrYrTiaiECI5UuuBBDytWt6DXX8t7mXIm29bg4V4ztzX94ZjMRA-nMFihZxgPjpgZ_iHctGIcwhUzNNaHsOsu-UMuEWHmp/s400/SIMOTAN+V+-+The+Official+Journal+-+Day+1_3.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5471550409897996962" style="display: block; margin-top: 0px; margin-right: auto; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: auto; text-align: center; cursor: pointer; width: 283px; height: 400px; " /></span></div></div>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-90406883361898499792010-05-06T16:03:00.002+01:002010-05-06T16:06:57.843+01:00SIMOTAN V<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi74tSqcmTJl1Q6bbT9XRtMfpWOTuJAMil7bzUJbBt952f_Uztw-aQ7zwT2nHdnxpGuh3eMVzeW4aDC1P9BH3qsyV8_IxkkWVfKD1me0IBqkgPWVbjUfgt4NVsKE5XA5yyy9Z0rLPGMpqNG/s1600/SIMOTAN+V+-+Cartaz.jpg"><img style="display: block; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; cursor: pointer; width: 400px; height: 283px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi74tSqcmTJl1Q6bbT9XRtMfpWOTuJAMil7bzUJbBt952f_Uztw-aQ7zwT2nHdnxpGuh3eMVzeW4aDC1P9BH3qsyV8_IxkkWVfKD1me0IBqkgPWVbjUfgt4NVsKE5XA5yyy9Z0rLPGMpqNG/s400/SIMOTAN+V+-+Cartaz.jpg" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5468173353471969730" border="0" /></a>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-58397791189752726282010-04-15T22:31:00.003+01:002010-04-15T22:56:13.606+01:00Implementar uma Estratégia para as Armas Nucleares no Século XXI<div style="text-align: center;"><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjxtYXQtbcUjUOrW8H_bgky-QhtbDgjeF-Lq8hsKSa256zsnai0kQ9R7BeOAjZV2KSf2egU_vPKaFZo6IEZ1f03N_ZiUd6Vgo4poaTkJsZJNQyB7xSCtaYw5SvTA-t_v5lSTSFWCWYXbFs/s1600/Obama_and_Medvedev_sign_Prague_Treaty_2010.jpeg"><img style="display: block; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; cursor: pointer; width: 320px; height: 214px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjxtYXQtbcUjUOrW8H_bgky-QhtbDgjeF-Lq8hsKSa256zsnai0kQ9R7BeOAjZV2KSf2egU_vPKaFZo6IEZ1f03N_ZiUd6Vgo4poaTkJsZJNQyB7xSCtaYw5SvTA-t_v5lSTSFWCWYXbFs/s320/Obama_and_Medvedev_sign_Prague_Treaty_2010.jpeg" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5460482838515352866" border="0" /></a><span style="font-size:78%;">(<span style="font-weight: bold;">Fonte:</span> <span style="font-style: italic;">wikipedia.org</span>)</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />Reflexão da Secretária de Estado estadunidense, Hillary Clinton, sobre a assinatura do Novo Tratado de Redução de Armas Estratégicas (START), assinado em Praga, no último dia 8 de Abril.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">O novo Tratado START prevê uma redução de 30% do número de ogivas nucleares estratégicas que é permitido aos Estados Unidos e à Rússia destacar e um regime de verificação robusto e eficaz, que irá estabilizar ainda mais a relação entre os dois países e minimizar os riscos de falhas de comunicação ou erros de cálculo.</span><br /><br />Para ler mais, clicar <a href="http://portugal.usembassy.gov/root/pdfs/clinton_op-ed_port.pdf">aqui</a>.<br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-17963316124584074682010-04-08T19:38:00.004+01:002010-04-08T19:45:43.090+01:00A NATO em oito minutos<object width="480" height="385"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/Z6XHw-ibicY&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/Z6XHw-ibicY&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="480" height="385"></embed></object><br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">FONTE:</span> Canal de <a href="http://www.youtube.com/user/rferlonline">rferlonline</a> no YouTube.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-52185055401061484432010-04-01T16:58:00.005+01:002010-04-01T17:05:31.485+01:00Entrevista a Madeleine Albright<object width="480" height="385"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/FxmHnDSNVHs&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/FxmHnDSNVHs&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="480" height="385"></embed></object><br /><br /><object width="480" height="385"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/N83NwI-DEZk&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/N83NwI-DEZk&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="480" height="385"></embed></object><br /><br /><object width="480" height="385"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/HzoubruCOKI&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/HzoubruCOKI&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="480" height="385"></embed></object><br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">FONTE:</span> Canal de <a href="http://www.youtube.com/user/NATOCOMMUNITY">NATOCOMMUNITY</a> no YouTube.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-57280966351081475552010-03-25T20:34:00.003+00:002010-03-25T20:53:20.757+00:00Novo pacto bilateral de desarmamento nuclear<div style="text-align: center;"><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7ccW2O4RDdzL4x4_sObYDTKaSROPljYtWGIKeVcN_dHHeNYRXG-zXTAnPSJRmNU8HZmVLQaB798jBh2JKg3O8c1tUIo-2hA5i-C_7xpqf_Nw-1FTKg9BzFulAwGA071MDH3kueze6dhE/s1600/obama+medvedev.jpg"><img style="display: block; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; cursor: pointer; width: 320px; height: 214px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7ccW2O4RDdzL4x4_sObYDTKaSROPljYtWGIKeVcN_dHHeNYRXG-zXTAnPSJRmNU8HZmVLQaB798jBh2JKg3O8c1tUIo-2hA5i-C_7xpqf_Nw-1FTKg9BzFulAwGA071MDH3kueze6dhE/s320/obama+medvedev.jpg" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5452673677016243282" border="0" /></a><span style="font-size:78%;">(<span style="font-weight: bold;">Fonte:</span><span style="font-style: italic;"><span style="font-weight: bold;"> </span>npsglobal.org</span>)</span><br /></div><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">Artigo de Ana Fonseca Pereira, publicado hoje, 25 de Março, no jornal <a href="http://www.publico.pt/Mundo/eua-e-russia-chegam-a-acordo-sobre-pacto-de-reducao-nuclear_1429265">Público</a>, a propósito do novo acordo sobre um novo tratado que reduz o armamento nuclear que tanto Estados Unidos da América, como Rússia possuem. Dá-se, assim, um novo capítulo na história do <span style="font-style: italic;">Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty</span> (<span style="font-weight: bold;">START</span>).<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Existe também um acordo de princípio para que a cerimónia de assinatura decorra em Praga, coincidindo o mais possível com o primeiro aniversário do discurso em que o Presidente americano delineou a sua ambição de contribuir para um mundo livre de armas nucleares. Dias antes, no primeiro encontro formal a dois, Obama e Medvedev lançaram as negociações para um novo START e meses depois, em Moscovo, acordaram que os arsenais estratégicos de cada um dos países deveriam ser reduzidos para não mais de 1675 ogivas – um quarto do limite imposto no tratado de 1991 e menos 525 do que as previstas num acordo bilateral de 2002.</span><br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-48752601608499233272010-03-23T15:45:00.004+00:002010-03-23T15:53:38.854+00:00A Ásia e a NATO - uma região inevitável no cálculo estratégico da NATO<h1 style="text-align: justify;">Asia, NATO and its partners: complicated relationships?</h1><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr" id="img1"> <a target="_blank" href="http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2009/Asia/nato_partner_asia/files/1196.jpg" title="Japanese air fueling"> </a><div dir="ltr" id="img1"><a target="_blank" href="http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2009/Asia/nato_partner_asia/files/1196.jpg" title="Japanese air fueling"> (fonte: http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2009/Asia/nato_partner_asia/EN/index.htm) </a></div> </div><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div dir="ltr" id="IntroText"><div style="text-align: justify;"> </div><div style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr" id="quickSummary"> <p class="p0">Many of NATO's new partners come from in or around Asia. How does each side see each other - and what's the way to ensure both benefit from working together? Michito Tsuruoka looks into this from an Asian standpoint.</p><p class="p0">NATO’s relationships with the countries outside the Euro-Atlantic region have developed rapidly in the last few years. Cooperation in Afghanistan has driven the development. Countries like Australia, New Zealand and Singapore are now troop contributors to the ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) in Afghanistan. Others, like Japan and South Korea, are making direct and indirect contribution to the Alliance’s effort there. These countries are now called “other partners across the globe.” </p> <p class="p1"> </p> <p class="p2">While countries like Australia and Japan are often seen as objects of the Alliance’s partnership policy, it is NATO who is the partner from those countries’ perspective. This article will examine how NATO is perceived as a partner by the Alliance’s new “partners across the globe.” Why have those countries strengthened relations with NATO? What kind of partner is NATO in the eyes of those countries? And what do they expect from NATO?<br /></p><p class="p2"><br /></p><div class="paddingPQ"> <p class="p0">It is Japan’s intention to use NATO as an additional venue to raise international, particularly European, awareness of the Asian security situation</p> </div> <p class="p0"><b>NATO as a political Partner</b> </p> <p class="p1">To begin with, each country has a different set of motivations regarding its relationship with the Alliance. When Japan made an overture to NATO in 2006 and 2007, it was predominantly a diplomatic move. It is true that both Foreign Minister Taro Aso and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe mentioned the possibility of operational cooperation between Japan and NATO during their respective addresses to the NAC (North Atlantic Council). It should be remembered, however, that both men spent much time there explaining the Asian security situation, including China and North Korea. Abe even directly “requested” the Allies “to urge North Korea to take sincere steps towards the resolution” of the issue of abduction of Japanese citizens by the North Korean authorities. </p> <p class="p2"> </p> <p class="p3">It is Japan’s intention to use NATO as an additional venue to raise international, particularly European, awareness of the Asian security situation. That is why Tokyo appreciated the NAC statements condemning the North Korean missile launch in July 2006 and the nuclear test in October the same year. Despite highly bellicose languages from Pyongyang, dealing with the country remains a diplomatic game, where international solidarity matters a lot. </p> <p class="p4"> </p> <p class="p5">NATO may not be a political actor in its own right. But as the world’s biggest and most capable political-military alliance, it carries a certain—both intended and unintended—weight in international security affairs. This also explains why those who are sceptical about NATO, not least those who do not share values with NATO, fear the expansion of the Alliance’s area of activities and influence. NATO’s image in the outside world as an influential security actor is arguably stronger than NATO itself recognises. But precisely because of this, Japan sees NATO as an important new political partner. Other partners may follow suit.<br /></p><p class="p5"><br /></p><div dir="ltr" id="Paragraph1_leftofImage"> <p class="p0"><b>NATO in operational cooperation</b> </p> <p class="p1">Australia’s and New Zealand’s relationships with NATO have developed largely based on their troop contribution to ISAF. As a result, operational cooperation is the main pillar of Australia-NATO and NZ-NATO relations, unlike Japan-NATO. These countries use NATO as a framework too. Without NATO, Australia and New Zealand would not have been able participate in international military efforts in Afghanistan. NATO has enabled these countries’ contribution to international efforts there. Once in the ISAF, it is legitimate that Australia and other contributors demand more information-sharing and more involvement in policy-shaping and eventually decision-making. Australia, a country which has more than 1,000 troops in the South of Afghanistan engaged in combat missions, has been the most vocal partner in making these cases, which NATO has tried hard to accommodate.</p></div> <div dir="ltr" id="Paragraph3"> <p class="p0">Both at the political and strategic level and the theatre level, the level of information-sharing and involvement seems to have improved substantially in the past year. Ministerial (mainly Defence Ministers’) meetings in the ISAF format have become a regular event and working level troop contributors’ meetings such as in the PCG (Policy Coordination Group) framework serves the venue for more substantial consultation. </p> <p class="p1"> </p> <p class="p2">However, the question of to what extent NATO is prepared to involve non-NATO contributors in the Alliance’s internal processes will not be solved in a clear fashion in the foreseeable future. For NATO, to accommodate the partners’ demands and satisfy them is necessary to secure their continued contribution. The principle of “no taxation without representation” holds true here.</p></div> <div dir="ltr" id="PullQuote2"> <div class="paddingPQ"> <p class="p0">It is certainly no coincidence that so far, most of the Alliance’s new partners beyond the Euro-Atlantic region are in fact US allies, such as Australia and Japan</p> </div> </div> <div dir="ltr" id="Paragraph4"> <p class="p0"><b>NATO as a means of cooperation with the US</b> </p> <p class="p1">When countries such as Australia and New Zealand decided to send troops to Afghanistan, the partner they chose did not have to be NATO. In fact, when NZ deployed troops to Afghanistan for the first time, it was done under the framework of the Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) in close bilateral cooperation with the US. There was no secret that it was a decision to support specifically the US and to show solidarity with the country in the wake of the 9/11, which had nothing to with NZ-NATO cooperation at that time. As a result of the geographical expansion of the ISAF in late 2006, the NZ troops stationed in Bamyan province had to move from the OEF command to the ISAF. From NZ’s point of view, the resultant cooperation with NATO was largely an unintended by-product of what it had been doing regardless of the ISAF. </p> <p class="p2"> </p> <p class="p3">This clearly shows another critical value that NATO has as a framework to cooperate in international peace operations and other areas. It is that NATO offers an additional route to cooperate with the US. Cooperation with NATO including troop contribution to NATO-led missions and operations can take place in the context of cooperation with the US. This should not be a surprising element given that even among the Allies, contribution to the ISAF and other NATO-led activities are often seen as a way to ensure positive relations with the US. “Partners across the globe” are not an exception here. </p> <p class="p4"> </p> <p class="p5">It is certainly no coincidence that so far, most of the Alliance’s new partners beyond the Euro-Atlantic region are in fact US allies, such as Australia and Japan. Australia-NATO and Japan-NATO cooperation are new faces of these countries’ bilateral security relations with the US. A Joint Statement of the US-Japan 2+2 (Security Consultative Committee: SCC) of May 2007 placed Japan-NATO cooperation in the context of ‘common strategic objectives’ of the two allies.</p><p class="p5"><br /></p><div dir="ltr" id="Paragraph4_leftofImage"> <p class="p0"><b>NATO as a multilateral school</b> </p> <p class="p1">Cooperation in Afghanistan is one thing, but it needs to be remembered that it is not the whole story about the relationships between NATO and the partners across the globe. In the first place, conducting operations like the ISAF is still a new business for NATO and the Alliance has many other things to do. In such fields as interoperability, standardisation, joint procurement, research and development, multilateral planning and defence planning, NATO has an unparalleled unique set of expertise and experience. These are the areas, in fact, where the partners can benefit most from cooperation with NATO.</p></div> <div dir="ltr" id="Paragraph5"> <p class="p0">The key is NATO’s multilateral nature. Countries outside the Euro-Atlantic area generally lack multilateral experience in security and defence. For example, in the Asia-Pacific region, where most of NATO’s new partners are situated, multilateral security cooperation is still weak if not totally absent. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) only conducted the first ever real joint exercise on civil emergency (disaster relief) in May 2009. Multilateral planning and operation is still a new idea in the region and the militaries in the countries of the region have limited multilateral experiences. </p> <p class="p1"> </p> <p class="p2">In this context, practical cooperation with NATO—participating in NATO’s exercise and seminars—provides a good opportunity for the partners to become familiar with multilateral ways of planning and operations. Also, in this globalised world and the period of limited resources to military, research and development and procurement of defence equipment need to be approached multilaterally with cooperation with other countries. NATO’s history in this regard is far from perfect. But still, it provides a useful platform to advance multilateral approach to security, which the partners can take part in.</p></div> <div dir="ltr" id="Paragraph6"> <p class="p0"><b>Challenges ahead for NATO</b> </p> <p class="p1">NATO’s new partners outside the Euro-Atlantic region see NATO very differently from the Alliance’s traditional partners in the PfP (Partnership for Peace) framework. New partners do not seek membership. They are not countries in transition from communism either. They do not need NATO’s advice on how to ensure the democratic control of armed forces, etc. NATO has been successful in assisting partners aspiring to become a member of the Alliance. However, it is still a new business for NATO to cooperate with non-European advanced democracies. </p> <p class="p2"> </p> <p class="p3">On NATO’s side, there is still no consensus on what way NATO should go in terms of relationships with its new partners outside the Euro-Atlantic region. Getting more help, both military and civilian, to the ISAF and other NATO-led missions and operations from those countries is one thing. Given the diverse nature of motivations those countries have in moving closer to the Alliance, however, it is now evident that NATO needs a clearer idea of what it wants to achieve through the development of the new partnerships. The development of its new Strategic Concept in 2010 provides an opportunity. </p> <p class="p4"> </p> <p class="p5">At the very least, NATO needs to think through how it can respond to the partners’ expectations toward the Alliance. A window of opportunity is now open for NATO to take part in shaping a new international security network. It is up to NATO whether it will seize it.</p></div> <p class="p0">Michito Tsuruoka is a Research Fellow of the National Institute for Defense Studies (NIDS), Ministry of Defense, Japan. At the time of writing, he was a Resident Fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF). Tsuruoka also served a Special Adviser for NATO at the Embassy of Japan in Belgium from 2005 to 2008. The views expressed in the article are author’s and do not necessarily reflect those of Japanese Government or the GMF.<br /></p><p class="p0"><br /></p><p class="p0">(fonte: http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2009/Asia/nato_partner_asia/EN/index.htm)<br /></p></div></div> </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-38567303474788274852010-03-18T22:35:00.005+00:002010-03-18T23:19:03.246+00:00Barack Obama em Portugal<div style="text-align: center;"><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEimXCOgQN7FvT3_mLS5cDVGN13H-Od-ljsHwtUOE7OHzT5sekgFCNgLcKgIKtv0MKExLAnpkkwxNxpL5drQm5dcXIOGwJtDxgAuWobZ0nQ-gfKnOZ1W4pZBfA5B0l23tFLZDiVlvaGptUg/s1600-h/Obama.jpg"><img style="display: block; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; cursor: pointer; width: 320px; height: 222px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEimXCOgQN7FvT3_mLS5cDVGN13H-Od-ljsHwtUOE7OHzT5sekgFCNgLcKgIKtv0MKExLAnpkkwxNxpL5drQm5dcXIOGwJtDxgAuWobZ0nQ-gfKnOZ1W4pZBfA5B0l23tFLZDiVlvaGptUg/s320/Obama.jpg" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5450116589813440722" border="0" /></a><span style="font-size:78%;">(<span style="font-weight: bold;">Fonte:</span> <span style="font-style: italic;">thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com</span>)</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />Notícia de Miguel Ângelo Pinto, adiantada ontem, 17 de Março, no jornal <a href="http://www.ionline.pt/conteudo/51532-obama-visita-portugal-em-novembro"><span style="font-style: italic;">i</span></a>.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">É a primeira vez que </span><strong style="font-style: italic;">Portugal</strong><span style="font-style: italic;">, país fundador da instituição, organiza uma cimeira da </span><strong style="font-style: italic;">Aliança Atlântica</strong><span style="font-style: italic;"> na capital. </span><strong style="font-style: italic;">Obama</strong><span style="font-style: italic;"> será, assim, a estrela do evento, que contará com apertadíssimas medidas de segurança não só em redor do espaço onde irá decorrer o encontro, mas também ao longo dos percursos que as diferentes comitivas, com particular destaque para a americana, vão trilhar.</span><br /><br />A vinda do Presidente Obama trará, decerto, o entusiasmo que o país sentiu intensamente nas eleições em Novembro de 2008. No entanto, todo este fenómeno terá que ser contrabalançado, acima de tudo, com os verdadeiros propósitos da Cimeira: o Novo Conceito Estratégico e o <span style="font-style: italic;">upgrade</span> da NATO para o século XXI, capaz de desempenhar um papel eficaz na luta às novas ameaças e na busca pela Paz. Será uma rigorosa reflexão sobre os valores <span style="font-style: italic;">atlanticistas</span>.<br /><br />Porém, o 44º Presidente dos Estados Unidos da América terá que ser confrontado inevitavelmente com os seus êxitos e fracassos em matérias de política interna e externa, temáticas que certamente serão abordadas pela imprensa internacional. Torna-se, então, imperativo que o Presidente Obama mantenha a linha da Cimeira Estrasburgo/Kehl, comemorativa do 60º aniversário da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte, e não só traga uma mensagem de<span style="font-style: italic;"> esperança</span>, como também uma voz de comando no domínio dos diálogos bilaterais, cada vez mais importantes no caminho para o entrosamento internacional.<br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-61458293577414237622010-03-14T22:54:00.005+00:002010-03-14T23:13:08.680+00:00SIMOTAN V - Convite - 5 a 8 de Maio de 2010<div style="text-align: justify;">Caríssimos colegas e amigos,</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A Comissão Portuguesa do Atlântico e o Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas têm o enorme prazer de vos convidar a participar na SIMOTAN V, uma Crisis Management Simulation do North Atlantic Council, que terá lugar em Lisboa, entre os dias 5 e 8 de Maio de 2010.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Pedimos a todos os interessados que nos contactem para secretariadoajpa@gmail.com para que vos façamos chegar o convite e ficha de inscrição. Pedimos encarecidamente que nos façam chegar a ficha de inscrição e a documentação adicional necessária até ao dia 23 de Abril de 2010. Solicitamos ainda que nos remetam a carta de motivação em inglês, dado que, sendo este um evento internacional que contará com participantes de diversos países, a língua de trabalho será o inglês.</div>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-4045683924165921282010-03-11T23:48:00.002+00:002010-03-12T00:01:53.862+00:00Ainda a propósito da busca pelo Novo Conceito Estratégico<div style="text-align: justify;">Artigo de <a href="http://www.america.gov/st/peacesec-english/2010/February/20100223122025dmslahrellek0.6854975.html">Merle David Kellerhals Jr.</a> (<span style="font-weight: bold;">Fonte:</span> <span style="font-style: italic;">america.gov</span>) que expressa o encorajamento da Secretária de Estado norte-americana, Hillary Clinton, pela busca do Novo Conceito Estratégico que torne a NATO apta a responder às novas ameaças, dado estas não respeitarem fronteiras nem terem como alvos fixos. Assim, não só se preza por uma perspectiva de acção, como também de cooperação, na qual a Aliança Atlântica se pode, igualmente, desdobrar.<br /><br /><p style="font-style: italic; text-align: justify;">“In an interconnected world, we cannot defend our people by crouching behind the geographic boundaries of the alliance,” Clinton said. “Many threats we face have little or no respect for borders.”</p><p style="font-style: italic; text-align: justify;">“Whether we’re battling piracy, or the menace of terrorism, or the prospect of weapons proliferation, we must be prepared to address new dangers regardless of where they originate,” she added.</p><br /><br /></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-897052985015500412010-03-11T15:33:00.003+00:002010-03-11T15:35:56.080+00:00Introduzindo os Desafios para o Novo Conceito Estratégico<object width="480" height="385"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/Xcmc0i-svLA&hl=en_GB&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/Xcmc0i-svLA&hl=en_GB&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="480" height="385"></embed></object>Jorge Wahnonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00185839944854884790noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-79282456393480384362010-03-07T21:36:00.007+00:002010-03-07T22:50:26.756+00:00"Iraqracy"<div align="center"><br /></div><div align="justify"><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2010/OPINION/03/05/zakaria.iraq.turning.point/index.html?iref=allsearchhttp://www.cnn.com/"><span style="color:#000000;">Entrevista</span></a> com Fareed Zakaria, onde reflecte a grande importância das eleições iraquianas não só depositadas num ponto de viragem na história do Médio Oriente, assim como no impacto com as relações ocidentais, especificamente com os Estados Unidos.</div><div align="justify"> </div><div align="justify"> </div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="center"></div><div align="center"></div><em>" This weekend´s Iraqi election is testing the strength of the nation´s young democracy and could be a turning point in the history of the Middle East",</em> says analyst Fareed Zakaria.<br /><em></em><br />In the March 7 election, Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki´s coalition in the Iraqi parliament is seeking to win enough votes to keep him in office for another term. On Thursay, a series of insurgent attacks led to the deaths of 29 people in the city of Baquba.<br /><em></em><br />Zakaria said the election could have a lasting impact: "<em>It might be the turning point in the rise of Iraq in the Middle East. Iraq is one of the largest, most important countries in the Arab world. It has the third or fourth largest petroleum reserves in the world. Even now it has $40 billion in oil revenus every year; it has a well-trained army thanks to the Americans."</em><br /><em></em><br /><em>"It is perhaps the beginning of a return to prominence in the Middle East. It is possible that 10 years from now we´ll look back and say, while everyone was obsessing about the rise of Iran, the real story in the Middle East in these years was the rise of Iraq."</em><br /><em></em><br />The Obama administration plans to withdraw all combat troops from Iraq by the end of August, leaving 50,00 Americans in advisory roles, who will leave by the end of 2011.<br /><strong></strong><br /><strong>CNN:</strong> What´s at stake in the election?<br /><strong>Fareed Zakaria:</strong> This is really the first genuine election Iraq will have since the American invasion. It is only the second time that Iraq is having an election for the full parliamentary term. Ana the first one had limited Sunni participation. There was a lot of violence surrounding it, and so it had a kind of air of abnormality to it. This is coming after a pretty stable period both politically economically and also a period of very spirited campaigning, and so it has the potential to really consolidate Iraqi democracy and Iraqi political stability. But a lot will depend on what happens, not in the election itself, but right after.<br /><br /><strong>CNN:</strong> Why should Americans pay particular attention to what´s happening with this election?<br /><strong>F.Z.:</strong> Two reasons: First if Iraq is able to achieve some degree of consolidation in terms of its democracy, it will add dramatically to its political stability, which is of course the most important condition that will allow American forces to continue their withdrawal down to zero combat forces or close to zero combat forces, as President Obama has hoped.<br />And the second is, if Iraq is able to consolidate as a democracy, it will mean there will have been some success in Iraq that we can point to for the vast investment and the vast expenditure of blood and treasure that the United States has put in. I´m not saying that you can make an easy statement that this justifies the invasion, I´m simply saying that there will be a very strong positive outcome in Iraq that will at least be set against the cost.<br />And that positive outcome is that Iraq will be the first Arab country to have a genuine functioning democratic system with a free press, open economy and that is something of a revolution in the Middle East.<br /><br /><strong>CNN: </strong>How is the election shaping up?<br /><strong>F.Z.: </strong>The most important part is what happens after the election. What you really have to watch is not how the winners are treated, but how the losers are treated, beacause Iraq has yet to demonstrate that it can handle the issue of minority rights property.<br />The Sunnis who were once the rulling elite are now somewhat marginalized. The Kurds have their own difficulties with the Baghdad government. The Christians have been very substantially persecuted in many different ways and often, very sadly, killed.<br />So what Iraq has to demonstrate is that the majority, which will inevitably be largely Shia, has the capacity to give some form of representation to the various minorities within Iraq. Iraq has to show that it understands that democracy is not just majority rule but pluralism and inclusion for the various minority groups.<br />That´s a very important point because while the Sunnis are the minority in Iraq, they are the majority everywhere else in the Arab world. So when Arabs look at Iraq, right now what they see is a kind of majority tyranny.<br /><br /><strong>CNN:</strong> Are you seeing any signs that the Shia majority is fully open to the kind of embrace of minority rights you´re talking about?<br /><strong>F.Z.:</strong> The most important sign is that the Shias have not consolidated as one bloc, so there are now various Shia groups, some of which are inclined to this kind of inclusion. Others are not. But at least it gives the voters choices, and the group that seems to be doing second best in the polls after Prime Minister Maliki´s group is headed by Ayad Allawi, a former prime minister. He is a very secular-minded guy who has a lot of appeal to Sunnis, has Sunni partners in his coalition at very high levels and represents a very different kind of Shia politics, much more secular, much more inclusive.<br />It´s also worth saying that the Sunnis are not trying to resort to violence as a routine matter the way they were four or five years ago.<br />They seem to understand that their path to rehabilitation lies in politics, not in civil wat. Somebody once said to me, you will know the Iraq insurgency is over once the Shia understand that they have won and the Sunnis understand that they have lost. And I think both those conditions have now been fulfilled.<br /><br /><strong>CNN:</strong> What´s the impact of the violence we have seen so far?<br /><strong>F.Z.:</strong> Minimal, because the violence has not been particularly dramatic. Look, Iraq is now an open society. It´s very difficult to protect every café and every bus station, but most importantly it is not having much effect in deterring people from voting. When all is said and done, violence in Iraq is down 95 percent from 2006. While it´s unfortunate, it is not debilitating.<br /><br /><strong>CNN:</strong> What´s the potential impact of the elections on relations with Iran?<br /><strong>F.Z.:</strong> One of the things that I´ve noticed is reports that are coming out that Iranian agents who used to spend a lot of time in Iraq are actually less present there than they had been in the past. That is perhaps in large measure because they´re back in Iran trying to quell and counteract the green movement there. A consolidated government in Iraq with new legitimacy is going to be an Iraq that is less amenable to pressures from Iran.<br /><br /><strong>CNN:</strong> Based on where we are right now, how do you think history is going to judge the American invasion?<br /><strong>F.Z.:</strong> We spent about a trillion dollars in Iraq, not to mention the loss of blood, which is tragic of course. Not just the Americans but many more Iraqis. So in the long arc of history was this worth it? You probably do need a little more time and perspective, and you do need to see how it turns out. But I think we could be heartened by the fact there are things we can place on the positive side of the ledger to balance the enormous costs that both the Iraqis and the Americans have paid.<br /><br /><strong>CNN:</strong> What impact do you think the election will have on the Obama administration´s plan to withdraw troops from Iraq?<br /><strong>F.Z.:</strong> The greater the political stability in Iraq, the easier it will be for the withdrawal to proceed apace. Right now I don´t see a major obstacle to continuing the withdrawal. But on my Sunday program, David Petraeus hinted for the first time that there could be an arrangement reached with the Iraqi governement under which a small contigent of American troops stay in Iraq for a longer period of time.<br /><em></em>Ana Margaridahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02491373789071590893noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-56966736319948960802010-03-06T16:35:00.005+00:002010-03-07T23:25:10.595+00:00Sobre a Questão Nuclear<div style="text-align: left;"><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrYwYBUCyoFiyUJ56fWqIZ_DNLyjb_yJyDgx_c-EbpKKWqzf94KXkFiOMDe3HfCrBvb8ByKkgUikhGetlPb1bRyqok1R8M-Ka6Rj3khqx7AUWm9kBHfRjOWmA-0-5VjC_-Sm7stJQGg7E/s1600-h/nuclear_fireball.jpg"><img style="float: right; margin: 0pt 0pt 10px 10px; cursor: pointer; width: 200px; height: 170px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhrYwYBUCyoFiyUJ56fWqIZ_DNLyjb_yJyDgx_c-EbpKKWqzf94KXkFiOMDe3HfCrBvb8ByKkgUikhGetlPb1bRyqok1R8M-Ka6Rj3khqx7AUWm9kBHfRjOWmA-0-5VjC_-Sm7stJQGg7E/s200/nuclear_fireball.jpg" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5445560664599528754" border="0" /></a><span style="font-weight: bold;">Estimativa do Arsenal Nuclear mundial (em n° total de ogivas)</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;">China - 410</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;">França - 464</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;">Índia - 60+?</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;">Israel - 200+?</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;">Paquistão 15-25?</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;">Rússia - ~10,000</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;">Reino Unido - 185</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;">Estados Unidos da América - ~10,500</span><br /><span style="font-size:85%;"><span style="font-size:78%;">(fonte <a href="http://www.cdi.org/nuclear/database/nukestab.html"><span style="font-style: italic;">Center for Defense Information</span></a>)</span></span><br /></div><br /><div style="text-align: justify;">Independentemente dos números, a quantidade de ogivas nucleares está hoje no centro do debate internacional, mais concretamente, a política nuclear global. Verificam-se sucessivos apelos à desnuclearização e a tendência no antigo ocidente parece ser de reduzir. Actualmente, com a alteração do paradigma internacional verificada com a queda do bloco soviético e a substituição das ameaças estatais trazidas pelos actores não-estatais põem em causa a política nuclear. Embora seja importante não esquecer a ameaça convencional, estamos convictos que ela é cada vez menor, de igual modo, o papel dissuasor inerente à posse de uma ogiva nuclear é cada vez é menor. Em contrapartida os seus perigos são cada vez maiores.<br />São muitos os que se dizem convictos que a Sociedade Internacional nunca esteve tão mal e que possivelmente estamos à beira de uma 3° Grande Guerra já que: se perdeu a estabilidade garantida pela divisão da guerra fria; não existe actualmente nenhum directório internacional, apesar das diversas tentativas (G3, G8, G20....); o crescimento dos países em vias desenvolvimento significará uma maior necessidade de afirmação dos mesmos, podendo sê-lo feito pela força das armas; o mundo tem-se organizado em grandes blocos, não muito diferentes daqueles previstos por Haushoffer; a cooperação no seio da ONU parece mais formal do que nunca; as tendências separatistas são muitas;... etc. Seja esse o caso, uma guerra nuclear é mais do que provável.<br />Não sabemos se a situação será assim tão dramática. Se não existirá antes um equilíbrio que em constante adaptação. Todavia o cenário de uma Grande Guerra, parece-nos algo improvável, pois, embora seja verdade que vivemos hoje numa sociedade internacional sem precedentes, sem líder/es universalmente aceite/s, também é verdade que as dependências económicas, e outras, nunca trespassaram tanto as fronteiras, sejam elas formais, físicas ou regionais.<br />Naturalmente, temos tendência ver como necessária uma estrutura internacional organizada, com um directório porque pressupomos que isso representa necessariamente um maior grau de responsabilidade, e daí, estabilidade. Não obstante, não poderá ser que estejamos a entrar num período em que as várias dimensões da vida internacional, os vários actores e fora conduzam a uma inesperada estabilidade entre toda a surdina?<br />Apesar deste nosso optimismo não pensamos que ele possa sobreviver sem que a questão nuclear seja devidamente tratada. Se se mantiver o status quo cremos que tendência será para os países em vias de desenvolvimento, rendidos ao dilema da segurança, adquirirem eles tais armas. Aumentando as ameaças convencionais e pondo em causa a delicada estabilidade que hoje se vive. Acrescendo, a possibilidade, provável, dos actores erráticos explorarem esse hipotético clima de tensão e as fragilidades aí inerentes. Traduzindo-se a posse de uma ogiva num incentivo destruidor mais do que um factor dissuasor.<br />Por outro lado, o elevado número de armas nucleares torna também elevado o perigo de serem desviadas e utilizadas por marginais. Imaginamos que o transporte deste material seja um pesadelo para os seus guardas. No entanto, há tempos cremos ter ouvido a Embaixadora do Paquistão em Portugal afirmar numa conferência que por razões de segurança, as armas nucleares daquele país além de se encontrarem sempre em locais secretos, são trasladadas com alguma regularidade. O mesmo problema se põe com os imensos depósitos russos ou americanos onde o risco de furto de uma destas armas é real e sendo que nos perguntamos se seria sentida a falta de uma em 10000 armas.<br />A estes problemas juntamos outros dois. Primeiro, com um número de armas nucleares prontas a disparar o que acontece se por um qualquer motivo alguém conseguir disparar uma sem consentimento do respectivo governo? Segundo, o que é que vamos fazer com tanto lixo nuclear? E o que faremos se mais países criarem imensos arsenais nucleares, com esse lixo radioactivo?<br />Seja qual for a ideia que se tenha sobre esta questão o seu debate exaustivo seguido de um compromisso mundial, mais do necessário, é imperativo.<br /></div>Jorge Wahnonhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00185839944854884790noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-49954450745582929002010-03-04T22:04:00.003+00:002010-03-04T22:47:45.586+00:00«The importance of being NATO»<div style="text-align: justify;">Artigo de <a href="http://www.america.gov/st/peacesec-english/2010/February/20100223161843dmslahrellek0.9328119.html?CP.rss=true">Merle David Kellerhals Jr.</a> (<span style="font-weight: bold;">Fonte:</span> <span style="font-style: italic;">america.gov</span>) que reflecte a importância da evolução da NATO para uma <span style="font-style: italic;">Força Expedicionária</span> gradualmente autónoma <span style="font-style: italic;">além-Atlântico</span>, após um relevante percurso de asserção nos campos da Segurança e Defesa, embora estático em certos momentos até 2001.<br /><br />[Robert] <span style="font-style: italic;">Gates said one of the most critical aspects of the North Atlantic Charter that formed NATO is Article 5 — the section that says an attack against one NATO member is regarded as an attack on all members. The predominant threat to Europe no longer is a massive land invasion by armored formations supported by massed artillery and waves of combat aircraft, he said. Instead, the threats have become more diffuse and more likely to emerge from outside NATO’s borders.</span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-89308213955997458642010-03-02T19:50:00.003+00:002010-03-02T20:21:37.528+00:00Notícias de 2 de Março de 2010<div style="text-align: justify;"><div style="text-align: center; color: rgb(102, 102, 102);"><span style="font-style: italic; font-weight: bold;">Algumas notícias pertinentes para a segurança internacional, em 2 de Março de 2010</span><br /></div><br /></div><h2 style="font-weight: bold; color: rgb(0, 0, 0); text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:100%;"><a href="http://www.stratfor.com/sitrep/20100302_pakistan_us_deliver_laserguided_bomb_kits_march" target="_blank">Pakistan: U.S. To Deliver Laser-Guided Bomb Kits In March</a></span></h2><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"> </div><span style="color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-size:100%;" > March 2, 2010</span><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"> </div><div><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"> </div><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">The United States will deliver to Pakistan in March some 1,000 laser-guided bomb kits, enabling Islamabad to use sophisticated laser technology to guide bombs to specific targets, AP reported March 2, citing a U.S. Air Force spokesman. Some 1,000 MK-82 bombs were delivered to Pakistan in February.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">(fonte: www.stratfor.com)</span></p><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);" id="article-header"> <div id="main-article-info"> <h1 style="font-weight: bold;"><br /></h1><h1 style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-size:100%;">Nouri al-Maliki most popular candidate as Iraq general election looms</span></h1> <p><span style="font-size:100%;">Prime minister's coalition cannot win majority in new parliament without post-election coalition help.</span></p><p><span style="font-size:100%;">Maliki's coalition has consistently performed best in polls taken by Iraqi political groups and the US embassy in Baghdad. But it cannot win a majority of the new parliament's 352 seats without one of two post-election coalitions, both of whom say they will not countenance him being renominated as prime minister.</span></p> </div></div><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);" id="content"><div id="article-wrapper"><p><span style="font-size:100%;">Four days before the election, the second since the US-led invasion seven years ago, Maliki's State of Law coalition, a Shia nationalist group, is polling eight percentage points better than its nearest rival, a cross-sectarian group known as the Iraqi National Movement, headed by former prime minister Iyad Allawi. Polls during the first of two weeks of campaigning suggest State of Law will win 30% of seats, with Mr Allawi's group likely to win 22%, and a conservative Shia bloc, the Iraqi National Alliance, on 17%.</span></p><p><span style="font-size:100%;">Maliki has acknowledged in debates and media performances that his achievements have been few, apart from oil deals with foreign companies and marshalling security forces throughout a steady decline in violence. However, his support has stayed buoyant, and a slight rise through the past 10 days suggests he has been able to sway some sections of a disenchanted public – a trend that has surprised rivals and regional observers.</span></p><p><span style="font-size:100%;">"This is partly because he has played on fear," said a western diplomat. "Fear of the unknown, and an argument which he's constantly pushed that others would likely do worse. Another reason is that he has the support of Iraq's civil servants, and they're several million strong."</span></p><p><span style="font-size:100%;">All stages during Sunday's poll will be heavily monitored by observers from Britain, the UN and the European Union among others; however fears of massive voter fraud remain. Voters have been lavished with gifts, with Maliki paying particular attention to central and southern Iraq, where much of his base lives in poverty despite three years of electoral commitments to improve services.</span></p><p><span style="font-size:100%;">Election banners and lorries with party livery line most routes and roundabouts in Baghdad. The Sunni-dominated Anbar province, which boycotted the 2005 poll en masse, appears largely intent on taking part in this poll, after a Sunni lawmaker backed down on his boycott call.</span></p><p><span style="font-size:100%;">The 6,000-plus candidates have been highly visible and accessible to media in the campaign (which ends 48 hours before the ballot), creating some scepticism.</span></p><p><span style="font-size:100%;">"All of them want to talk to us for two weeks every four years," said Hassan al-Kaisi, from the inner-city district of Arasat in Baghdad. "Then they will disappear again behind their barricades, and start counting all the money they have stolen." Sawssan Moussawi, from nearby Karrada, said she had "heard enough from all of them to know that they are neither nationalist nor secular. I'm voting for the beautiful woman, Feyruz."</span></p><p><span style="font-size:100%;">Anticipated violence has so far failed to materialise on a large scale, although bombings are expected over the remaining three days.</span></p> </div><span style="font-size:100%;"> Nouri al-Maliki, the prime minister who has led <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/iraq" title="More from guardian.co.uk on Iraq">Iraq</a> through four chaotic and unpopular years, is expected to top the poll in Sunday's general election, although the horse-trading that would follow poses a threat to his possible second term as leader. </span></div><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">(fonte: www.theguardian.co.uk)</span></p><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;"><br /></span></p><h1 style="font-weight: bold; text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">Cinco aliados piden discutir la política nuclear de la OTAN</span></h1><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"> </div><h3 style="font-weight: normal; text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">La idea es que haya un gran debate sobre la política nuclear de la Alianza Atlántica en la próxima reunión de ministros de Exteriores del 22 de abril en Estonia.</span></h3><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">Cinco países de la OTAN han hecho oficial su solicitud de que la Alianza debata a fondo su política nuclear, con la ambición implícita de desnuclearizar el continente. La petición fue cursada la pasada semana al secretario general e la OTAN Anders Fogh Rasmussen, por los ministros de Exteriores de Alemania, Noruega y los tres países del Benelux.</span></div><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">De hecho fue el ministerio belga de Exteriores el que ha anunciado hoy la iniciativa, dirigida a "que haya un gran debate sobre la política nuclear de la Alianza Atlántica en la próxima reunión de ministros de Exteriores del 22 de abril en Tallin (Estonia)". Según el Gobierno belga, "las armas nucleares tácticas son una cuestión esencial para el objetivo de conseguir un mundo desnuclerizado". Según distintas fuentes, en Europa quedan entre 200 y 240 bombas atómicas B-61 para ser lanzadas desde aviones.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">Ya a finales del año pasado Alemania se adelantó con la idea, que incluyó en el marco de un acuerdo multilateral. Ahora, Bruselas insiste en que la carta es un elemento más de las discusiones aliadas que han de concluir con la aprobación de un nuevo concepto estratégico acorde con los desafíos para la defensa y la seguridad en este siglo XXI. Tal vademécum estratégico será adoptado en la cumbre de la OTAN programada para noviembre en Lisboa.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">La carta remitida el pasado día 26 por los ministros confirma las intenciones adelantadas una semana antes por el primer ministro belga, Yves Leterme, <a href="http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/paises/OTAN/pediran/eliminacion/arsenal/nuclear/Europa/elpepuint/20100219elpepuint_12/Tes" target="_blank">con respeto a la eliminación de los arsenales de bombas nucleares</a> almacenadas en Alemania, Bélgica, Italia, Países Bajos y Turquía.</span></p><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">(fonte: www.elpais.com)<br /><br /></span></div><h1 style="font-weight: bold; text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><br /></h1><h1 style="font-weight: bold; text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">Proche-Orient : le Quartette se réunira le 19 mars à Moscou</span></h1><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><!-- ********************************* MAIN COLUMN ********************************* --><span style="font-size:100%;"> | 02.03.10 | 20h47 </span><script type="text/javascript" language="javascript"> function expandBarrePartager() { if($("#barrePartager").css("display")=="none") { $("#barrePartager").fadeIn("slow"); } else { $("#barrePartager").fadeOut("slow"); } } </script><script type="text/javascript"> if ( 'undefined' == typeof MIA) MIA = {}; MIA.Partage = { toggled: false, toggleSharing:function(){if(!MIA.Partage.toggled){document.getElementById('shareTools').style.display='block';MIA.Partage.toggled=true}else{document.getElementById('shareTools').style.display='none';MIA.Partage.toggled=false}}, ouvrirPopup:function(url,titre,parametres){ var expression = /[^*]width=([0-9]*)[^*]/; expression.exec(parametres); var popup_width=RegExp.$1; expression=/[^*]height=([0-9]*)[^*]/; expression.exec(parametres); var popup_height=RegExp.$1; var left=(screen.width-popup_width)/2; var top=(screen.height-popup_height)/2; var params=parametres+',top='+top + ',left='+left; var win=window.open(url,titre,params)} } </script> </div><table style="text-align: left; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);" class="toolBox" id="toolBox" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0"><tbody><tr><td class="articleEA" valign="top"><br /></td><td class="tools"><table style="width: 144px; height: 32px;" align="center" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0"><tbody><tr><td class="toolsElement"><span style="font-size:100%;"><br /></span></td><td class="toolsElement"><span style="font-size:100%;"><br /></span></td><td class="toolsElement"><span style="font-size:100%;"><br /></span></td><td class="toolsElement"><span style="font-size:100%;"><br /></span></td><td class="toolsElement"><span style="font-size:100%;"><a rel="nofollow" href="javascript:expandBarrePartager()" onclick="javascript:xt_med('C','1','Outils_Top_Partager','N');"><span></span></a></span><br /></td><td class="banner150sponsor" valign="top"><div id="pubOAS_top2"> <!-- OAS pos:'Top2' --><script type="text/javascript">OAS_AD('Top2')</script> </div><br /></td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;"><span class="dropcap">L</span>es négociateurs du Quartette pour le Proche-Orient (Etats-Unis, Union européenne, Russie et ONU) se réuniront le 19 mars à Moscou, a annoncé mardi un porte-parole de <a href="http://www.lemonde.fr/sujet/a18f/ban-ki-moon.html" class="listLink">Ban Ki-moon</a>, secrétaire général de l'ONU.</span> </div><p style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">Le Quartette soutient une feuille de route pour les négociations de paix au Proche-Orient prévoyant la création d'un Etat palestinien vivant dans la paix et la sécurité au côté d'Israël. Mais aucun progrès tangible n'a été fait sur le statut futur de Jérusalem, les frontières de cet Etat palestinien et le sort des réfugiés.</span></p><div style="text-align: justify; color: rgb(0, 0, 0);"><span style="font-size:100%;">L'expansion des implantations israéliennes en Cisjordanie et à Jérusalem constitue l'un des principaux obstacles à la reprise des pourparlers de paix, suspendus depuis plus d'un an. Lundi, les Etats-Unis ont critiqué Israël pour un projet de construction de six cents logements dans un quartier de colonisation juive à Jérusalem-Est, le qualifiant de <em>"contre-productif"</em>.<br /><br />(fonte: www.lemonde.fr)<br /><br /><br /><br /></span><h1 style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-size:130%;">No dia de reunião sobre Afeganistão, Obama diz confiar no sucesso da guerra</span></h1>O presidente americano, Barack Obama, pronunciou na madrugada desta quinta-feira o esperado discurso do Estado da união, e afirmou estar confiante do sucesso da guerra contra os militantes do grupo islâmico Taleban no Afeganistão. Horas antes da reunião internacional sobre o Afeganistão, em Londres, no Reino Unido, Obama repetiu ainda que a guerra é uma tarefa também dos aliados. <p> <a href="http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/folha/dinheiro/ult91u685759.shtml">Em discurso marcado pela economia, Obama pede unidade ao Congresso</a> </p> <p>Assunto que normalmente ocupa amplo espaço nos discursos de Estado da União, a guerra contra o terror teve desta vez um destaque menor, ocupando a parte final de um pronunciamento marcado por promessas de recuperação econômica.<br /></p><p> "No ano passado, centenas de militantes da [rede terrorista] Al Qaeda e afiliados, incluindo muitos líderes, foram capturados ou mortos, muitos mais do que em 2008. No Afeganistão, estamos aumentando nossas tropas e treinando as forças de segurança para que possam começar a assumir a liderança em julho de 2011, e nossas tropas possam voltar para casa", disse Obama, justificando os motivos de sua confiança em uma vitória. </p> <p> "Haverá dias difíceis pela frente, mas tenho confiança de que teremos êxito", disse. </p> <p>Obama revelou uma nova estratégia para o Afeganistão no ano passado, após meses de reuniões com conselheiros e a alta cúpula de seu governo. Na época, Obama anunciou o envio de 30 mil militares adicionais para reverter o aumento da atividade dos militantes talebans. Em contraponto, falou ainda que investirá no treinamento das forças afegãs e em um reforço civil para a reconstrução e desenvolvimento do país. </p> <p>Os comentários de Obama vêm horas antes da conferência de 60 países sobre o Afeganistão. O encontro tem como objetivo estabelecer os parâmetros para a estabilização do país asiático, o que pode incluir um acordo com a ala moderada do Taleban. </p> <p> <b>Iraque</b> </p> <p>O presidente americano falou ainda sobre a Guerra do Iraque e afirmou que "está próxima do seu fim". Ele lembrou que começará em agosto a saída dos militares americanos, em uma operação de retirada que deve se encerrar em 2011. </p> <p>"Conforme fortalecemos nossa luta contra a Al Qaeda, estamos deixando o Iraque para seu povo de maneira responsável", afirmou o presidente. "Mas não se enganem: esta guerra está acabando, e todas as nossas tropas estão voltando para casa", destacou Obama, muito aplaudido pelos presentes. </p> <p>O presidente renovou sua promessa de que todas as tropas de combate americanas deixarão o Iraque até o fim de agosto de 2010, mais de sete anos depois da invasão comandada pelos EUA, que derrubou o ditador Saddam Hussein. </p> <p>"Ajudaremos o governo iraquiano quando eles organizarem suas eleições, e continuaremos a apoiar o povo iraquiano a promover a paz e a prosperidade na região", acrescentou Obama. </p> <p>Em seguida, o presidente explicou como mudou o foco militar americano do Iraque para o Afeganistão, com o objetivo de combater a Al Qaeda. </p> <p>"Esta noite, todos os nossos homens e mulheres de farda - no Iraque, no Afeganistão e em todo o mundo - precisam saber que têm nosso respeito, nossa gratidão e nosso total apoio", afirmou Obama. </p> <p>"E, assim como eles precisam ter os recursos necessários para a guerra, nós também temos a responsabilidade de apoiá-los quando eles voltarem para casa", afirmou, destacando os programas de seu governo para ajudar militares veteranos. </p><span style="font-size:100%;"><span style="font-weight: bold;"></span></span></div><span style="color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">(fonte: www.folha.uol.com.br)</span><br /> </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-50343932541315182932010-02-25T14:39:00.007+00:002010-02-25T15:10:28.035+00:00Halford John Mackinder: Fundamento Teórico Geopolítico<div style="text-align: justify;"><div style="text-align: center;"><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXtZBv2T_fhtx8K4PBk0NexP3tMkeNmF5QyerV1JcBYkQHW-R52Qf0YhR-rw8Z5nK-BVbo4GSvkw8QPOHzeR0VlniD9gIFwveNZQwv_OUgXvluUniPX0myIL6knKafXEnPIececPPeLu0/s1600-h/NATO+Mackinder.GIF"><img style="margin: 0px auto 10px; display: block; text-align: center; cursor: pointer; width: 320px; height: 226px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgXtZBv2T_fhtx8K4PBk0NexP3tMkeNmF5QyerV1JcBYkQHW-R52Qf0YhR-rw8Z5nK-BVbo4GSvkw8QPOHzeR0VlniD9gIFwveNZQwv_OUgXvluUniPX0myIL6knKafXEnPIececPPeLu0/s320/NATO+Mackinder.GIF" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5442197999993678066" border="0" /></a><span style=";font-family:arial;font-size:78%;" > (</span><span style=";font-family:arial;font-size:78%;" >Fonte: <span style="visibility: visible;" id="main"><span style="visibility: visible;" id="search"><cite><b>britannica</b>.com</cite></span></span>)</span><br /></div><br />Halford John Mackinder (1861-1947), geógrafo e político britânico, trouxe um importante contributo à teorização geopolítica clássica, com as suas teorias de 1904, 1919 e 1943, respectivamente. Complementadas com os desenvolvimentos dados por Nicholas Spykman e com o estudo dos poderes conjugados conseguiram a projecção dos Estados Unidos da América para o Atlântico, travando o expansionismo eurasiático, uma vez que <span style="font-style: italic;">quem controlasse a Europa de Leste, comandava o Heartland</span> (massa continental rica em recursos e delimitada por fronteiras naturais, tendo no papel central a Rússia, elo entre a Ásia e a Europa); <span style="font-style: italic;">quem controlasse o Heartland, comandava a Ilha Mundial</span> (Europa e África); <span style="font-style: italic;">quem comandasse a Ilha Mundial, comandava os destinos do Mundo</span>.<br />A terceira teoria de Mackinder confirma o seu tradicionalismo e a sua crença numa Eurásia enquanto “grande massa terrestre dominante e rica em recursos”, cujo <span style="font-style: italic;">pivot</span> central permitia controlar a Ilha Mundial.<br />Desta forma, devido ao curso da Segunda Guerra Mundial, Mackinder renovava as suas teorias, sendo introduzido o conceito de <span style="font-style: italic;">Midland Ocean</span>; era explorada a zona do Atlântico Norte e mares adjacentes, uma vez que assentava na premissa do continente americano conseguir rivalizar com o <span style="font-style: italic;">Heartland</span>, convencionando um equilíbrio de poderes.<br />Finda a Segunda Grande Guerra, a teoria influenciou a divisão da Alemanha em dois Estados distintos e a própria assinatura do Tratado de Washington, constitutivo da NATO, em 1949. Esta dualidade põe-se dado a União Soviética ter saído vencedora e voltar a ser necessária a existência de Estados-Tampão como garante do distanciamento germano-russo, evitando a hegemonia russa no caso de conquista do espaço alemão.<br />Encontrando-se a Alemanha espoliada por quatro potências (Estados Unidos da América, Reino Unido, França e União Soviética), a conjugação de poderes era visível com: o terrestre a leste, no <span style="font-style: italic;">Heartland</span>, e o marítimo a oeste, devido à capacidade anfíbia do <span style="font-style: italic;">Midland Ocean</span>. Aqui, criava-se um triângulo de defesa atlântica com o topo nos EUA e a base no Reino Unido e em França. Ainda que a URSS tivesse um maior valor defensivo, devido às fronteiras naturais do <span style="font-style: italic;">Heartland</span>, o grande objectivo <span style="font-style: italic;">atlanticista</span> era, nas palavras do primeiro Secretário-Geral da NATO, Hastings Ismay, “<span style="font-style: italic;">to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down</span>”. O poder marítimo encontrava-se, portanto, suportado pelo poder terrestre.<br />Todavia, na óptica de Mackinder, a contenção da Alemanha e o expansionismo soviético poderiam suscitar numa cooperação entre potências ocidentais vencedoras da Segunda Guerra Mundial e a URSS no caso de haver claras ameaças à Paz mundial - o que acabou por não acontecer devido à Guerra Fria.<br />Face à necessidade presente de encontrar um Novo Conceito Estratégico, a Organização terá que se focar no grande objectivo de “garantir o futuro” e responder a três questões essenciais: intervenção fora de área, parcerias globais ou ligas de democracias e processos de alargamento.<br />Neste sentido, os valores <span style="font-style: italic;">atlanticistas</span> terão que ser mantidos intactos, já que, “<span style="font-style: italic;">whether NATO goes out of area or out of work</span>”. Torna-se importante que actue fora de área, respondendo eficientemente aos desafios globais, garantindo estabilidade internacional.<br />Acima de tudo, e adequando as palavras de Lord Ismay, importa <span style="font-style: italic;">manter os poderes erráticos fora, os valores democráticos e </span><span style="font-style: italic;">atlanticistas</span><span style="font-style: italic;"> dentro, e as ameaças em baixo</span>.</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-80292206166606503672009-12-02T14:09:00.008+00:002009-12-02T14:49:10.965+00:00Rome Atlantic Forum, November 23rd<div align="center"><em><strong>Report on the Rome Atlantic Forum<br />‘NATO New Strategic Concept and The Future of Transatlantic Relations’, held in Rome November 23rd 2009.</strong><br /></em><br />The Conference was divided in two parts (morning and afternoon) and aimed to promote the discussion on the challenge that represents the drafting of a NATO New Strategic Concept, as well as the relations between the two shores of the North Atlantic region<a title="" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1" href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=8388425608775583580#_edn1" name="_ednref1">[i]</a>. </div><div align="justify"><strong></strong></div><div align="justify"><strong></strong></div><div align="justify"><strong></strong></div><div align="justify"><strong></strong></div><div align="justify"><strong>Towards a New NATO Strategic Concept</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />During the morning several speakers shared their opinions, suggestions and comments on what should be included in the new NATO Strategic Concept. For that matter one of the most repeated idea was the importance of knowing what is today’s NATO’s, and what is its purpose regarding a new strategic environment, both internal and external.<br />In fact environmental scanning is the first phase of the strategic process of drafting a strategic concept that both emphasizes the strengths of the organization, knowing its weaknesses, and, thus, allows it to take advantage of the opportunities and minimize potential threats that other actors might constitute to its existence and activity.<br />One of the factors identified has having gained weight in comparison with the former process of drafting the NATO’s strategic concept is public opinion. In fact the importance of civil society was emphasized by most of the speakers who underlined the importance of the legitimacy of governments’ decisions, particularly regarding the deployment of national troops into war/conflict scenarios.<br />The importance of civil society is not only related with the support or not that it might give to the organization’s actions. Indeed there is a new understanding of what security means which has implications in the interpretation of one of the NATO’s bedrocks: Article 5.<br />Article 5 of the Washington Treaty was also highly discussed. Although its existence and importance were not questioned, many argue that its meaning has changed.<br />Defense has overcome a geographical meaning and became more “individualized”. States have not only the need to protect its territory but also their citizens. That fact changed the type and scope of interventions, and some say the very nature of war. What is exactly an ‘armed attack’? How preventive and out of area can NATO go? How can NATO remain effective as a political-military organization in a ‘world with no borders’, in a new strategic environment?<br />These are some of the questions that defy the geographical feature and a restrictive interpretation of the nature of the action that triggers Alliance’s actions. Hence, and regarding the changed and changing strategic environment, what should be NATO’s role in terms of its capabilities and operations?<br />The scope of NATO’s actions is, thus, highly debatable. Indeed, Ambassador Aragona (<em>Member of the NATO Group of Experts on the New Strategic Concept</em>) emphasized the non-traditional feature of international security and international threats, which lead to the need of the maintenance and revision of the comprehensive approach. Nonetheless, NATO shall avoid become a global police. Instead the solution might be a more effective interlocking with other actors which will allow NATO to act globally, protecting its interests and pursuing its objectives without becoming too wide and, potentially, void.<br />The danger of ‘acting global’ is precisely the lack of capabilities, but also of political will to do so. No speaker supported a global NATO (in scope and action). Nevertheless a better balance between article 5 and 4 of the Washington Treaty should assure a better approach to new threats and conflicts, which is then complemented by a multilateral dimension based on cooperation with other international actors.<br />Very succinctly Dr. Stephen Flanagan (<em>Director of International Security Program</em>) divided the issue of the new Strategic Concept in two dimensions. First it shall be determined the very own need of a new strategic concept; and secondly the type of threats it should address.<br />The fact that threats reflect “the dark side of globalization” – as said by Dr. Karl-Heinz Camp (<em>Director of the NATO Defense College Research Division</em>) - leads to the need of NATO to redefine itself as a collective defense organization. Thus, and again, the linkage between article 4 and 5 is needed in order to respond to a ‘continuum of security’. For this matter the speaker underlined the importance of creating a more effective consultation mechanism between the member states that covers essentially crisis prevention, crisis management and defense response issues.<br />The balance between the political and military components of NATO should be met, and, more importantly, NATO should define both its structure (eg: decision-making process; consultation mechanisms) but also its capabilities, meaning both its decision and executive/operational dimensions.<br />Indeed the mission, objectives and plans and policies are defined by the political leaders, but they have to be adequate, acceptable and attainable at a more operational level, by the military.<br />For this reason the formulation phase of the drafting of a new strategic concept must identify in a clear way the objectives of the Alliance, prioritize them, and make them commonly accepted and supported objectives of the North Atlantic community.<br />How can a growing Alliance accommodate the individual interests, objectives and threat perceptions of its members? How can the definition of a new Strategic Concept through the lowest common denominator make NATO a credible actor?<br />Nevertheless, the debate on the diversity of NATO member states is not only related to threat perceptions. Indeed an issue that greatly influences the performance and credibility of the Alliance is burden sharing, whose importance was argued by most of speakers, but particularly by General Vincenzo Camporini (<em>Chief of the Italian Defense Staff</em>). Indeed, General Camporini argued for the importance of the solidarity between member states, as it is crucial to the success of the operations on the ground, and thus affects NATO’s success and effectiveness.<br />The way pointed out by General Camporini to get over the budget issue is the integration of common capabilities, either by specialization of countries or by leadership of one coordinator.<br />Thus, the financial dimension is also to be taken into account when formulating a strategic concept, as it will be one of the proofs that will validate (or not) the formulation phase.<br />One of great challenges that was continuously mentioned is Afghanistan. The outcome of NATO’s involvement in this theatre has a crucial importance for the credibility of the Alliance as a remaining pillar of international security. For this matter it is important to evaluate the situation and consider the lessons learned, but also be simultaneously cautious and ambitious in what concerns the involvement in other operations.<br />In fact Afghanistan and the Lisbon Summit to be held in the end of 2010 will be the two theaters where NATO has to prove that it still is an important and effective organization. In these two places both the formulation and operationalization of a new strategic concept will have a major importance not only to the allies but also to the image of NATO and its position in the strategic environment.<br />Besides the debate on the diversity of perspectives about what is and should NATO be (that might turn out in a disappointing and rapidly inadequate strategic concept), the external environment, namely partnerships, Russia, BRIC countries, and also the EU seem to be points of disagreement between the member states.<br />Thus, the strategic position that NATO wants to assume might not be all that clear about with whom to cooperate and in what way.<br />To sum up, the first part of the debate was very fruitful and diverse. There was great agreement on the changing nature of threats, namely to include climate change, energy security, outer space, maritime security and the proliferation of nuclear weapons.<br />Nonetheless each speaker, due to its functions or origins, offered different interpretations, comments and suggestions as to the strategy NATO as to engage in the post 9/11 world.<br />The main convergence was around the fact that NATO remains a pillar of international security. The guarantee of NATO’s adaptation to a new strategic environment is thus crucial to international peace and security.<br />Yet the way to get there might be difficult to find, and there is great danger that the lack of ambition of the Alliance’s member states in giving NATO the capabilities to act leads to an excessively flexible (or even loose) strategic concept.<br /></div><strong></strong><strong><br /><br /><p><img id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5410647569577046482" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; WIDTH: 320px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 240px; TEXT-ALIGN: center" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7fdl5Kr-sOgL2KGgBpG71hwh-0-E9045_o_z2zHzqO1tvW2aYYNrBj-U8dh2jgwFbWipYF3f0rTusGLdJQsMd_5bUdfmb6XTvU31hArufMa5UNv6lB-eApHJNEWkxchO3QxHI5JUgM4I/s320/RAF.jpg" border="0" /></p><p></p><p>The Future of Transatlantic Relations</strong><strong></strong><br /></p><div align="justify"><br />The Mars vs Venus debate, i.e. USA-EU security approaches, was addressed in a more detailed manner in the afternoon session of the conference where it was debated ‘The Future of Transatlantic Relations’.<br />In this context the main actors referred were the USA, the EU, Russia, and the BRIC emerging powers.<br />In what concerns the USA, some speakers mentioned the potential increase of cooperation promoted by the Obama’s administration, which strengthens the multilateral approach of the new NATO strategic concept. The danger though, is the fact that the epicenter of American foreign policy might now be dislocated to the Pacific, rather than the Atlantic.<br />US foreign policy is of major importance for the definition of NATO’s attitude and policy, once the USA is the major contributor for NATO’s budget. Therefore, one has to acknowledge that unless this trend is reversed, that fact still grants the USA great leverage and legitimacy to set the Alliance’s agenda.<br />As for the EU, the definition of a clearer ESPD and the implementation of the changes brought by the Lisbon Treaty cause some skepticism or, to say the least, precaution as to if the EU wants to share the burden and assume (together with the USA) the transatlantic leadership in a more effective way.<br />The search for a balance between the two shores of the Atlantic is crucial for the effectiveness of NATO. Europe has given a positive sign in terms of its participation in a more operational phase, namely with the reintegration of France in NATO’s military structure.<br />Nonetheless there is a need to show political will to solve some issues that might weaken Europe, particularly the EU (e.g. Cyprus and Turkey issues), and commitment in what concerns the budget and the deployment of troops to NATO missions.<br />Ambassador Di Benisichi (<em>Vice President of the Italian Atlantic Committee</em>) mentioned three main issues in the relation between the USA and the EU: political commitment and attitude towards defense; structural differences (institutional framework); and at the operational level, the risk of duplication.<br />There is indeed a need to “update political ties”, as said by Min. Plen. Sandro de Bernardin (<em>Vice Secretary General of the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs</em>).<br />At the same time there are other actors that need to be taken into account in the new Strategic Concept. Russia is one important actor to be considered in the environmental scanning, but also to the definition of objectives and posture of NATO.<br />In fact Russia triggers both internal and external issues that might weaken NATO. On the one hand Russia is an important player when defining an enlargement strategy and policy (the sensivity of the ‘near abroad’), on the other hand the posture of NATO towards Russia as an external actor which can confront NATO by threatening the accomplishment of the Alliance’s objectives, or contrarily be engaged in a strategic partnership to guarantee a broader concept of North Atlantic security.<br />One way or another, Russia has to be considered and included in NATO’s strategic calculation and, therefore, in the new strategic concept.<br />A clear example of the importance of the improvement of NATO-Russia’s relations is the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and thus, the ability to reduce nuclear as a growing threat to international security, which can only be met if involving both actors.<br />Of course this is not an easy-to-solve issue. Convergence (or to say the least cooperation) seems difficult (but attainable). NATO has now 28 member states, and its most recent members came from the East Europe, their history of confrontation and oppression are still fresh in these nation-states’ memories. Russia-NATO relations seem, thus, a delicate issue, yet one that cannot be avoided if member states want to establish a clear strategy, and an effective NATO.<br />BRIC countries were also mentioned as actors which should be taken into account. This is so as it was strongly argued that NATO should seek global partnerships to make more effective and credible its actions, but also to deter possible threats.<br />Non-state actors were mentioned by Mr. Marco Vicenzino (<em>Executive Director of the Global Strategy Project</em>) as other aspect that might influence the future of transatlantic relations due to the importance of civil society for the success of NATO’s strategic concept.<br />This said, the future of transatlantic relations needs both a multidimensional and a multilateral approach which demands a greater engagement of all its member states and partners, but also other actors which are important for the maintenance of a more or less stable international security environment<br /><br /><br />The belief that NATO is and will continue to be an essential actor in the international security architecture was reinforced by this conference. Thus the exchange of ideas and values which allow that fact continues to be one of the most positive aspects national ATA’s and YATA’s generate, through the mobilization of civil society for the debate on the new strategic concept.<br /><br /><br /><br /><a title="" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1" href="http://www.blogger.com/post-create.g?blogID=8388425608775583580#_ednref1" name="_edn1">[i]</a> The discussion was based on a discussion paper proposed by the Italian Atlantic Committee (Strategic Concept Working Group).</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-5740606700345878362009-11-30T10:41:00.005+00:002009-12-02T01:12:06.470+00:00Samuel de Paiva Pires (Presidente da AJPA) em entrevista ao Dezinteressante<div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic; font-weight: bold; ">(<a href="http://www.chilltime.com/jornal/dezinteressante&article=5920">Artigo</a> e <a href="http://www.chilltime.com/jornal/dezinteressante&article=5921">entrevista</a> por Ana Catarina Lobato)</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div style="text-align: center;"><b><i><img src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjm-T6_m8WSTBA66J315TIR_uF6v_XHIzbvZoSyqOfj00MTsGUcb2MQgWCtBejVaqsBs-ZHdLii10l4fGb1t0X7oHlSg0TWn1dJXqzsWj-BfjB0LqQkYzAdj3aVfPt0KQNKigNantB5Wk19/s400/small_139_5920.jpg" /></i></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br /></i></div><div><i><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;">O papel e a importância da NATO têm sido temas debatidos a nível internacional. A Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte tem-se tentado adaptar política e militarmente a um cenário em constante mudança. A concepção de um novo conceito estratégico é uma tentativa da NATO se actualizar e manter coesa no seio da comunidade internacional.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;">Em Portugal, a Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico (AJPA) procura divulgar os valores atlanticistas juntos dos jovens e da comunidade em geral, com a ajuda da Comissão Portugesa do Altântico (CPA).</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;">O Presidente da AJPA é Samuel de Paiva Pires, eleito recentemente Vice-Presidente Executivo da Youth Atlantic Treaty Association (YATA), a qual engloba todas as associações da juventude a nível nacional. Além da sua experiência na organização de eventos no âmbito da AJPA, como a SIMOTAN e o PAYS, Samuel de Paiva Pires conta no seu curriculum vitae com um estágio na Embaixada de Portugal em Brasília, onde colaborou com o Gabinete de Imprensa e com o ministro Conselheiro. Licenciado em Relações Internacionais, frequenta, actualmente, o mestrado em Ciência Política no Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas (ISCSP).</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;">Samuel de Paiva Pires segue o exemplo do Secretário-Geral da NATO, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, na utilização das novas tecnologias para chegar junto do público. A AJPA tem-se divulgado a si e aos seus eventos através dos "novos media", forma que garante ser bastante eficaz para atrair participantes.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: normal;">Procurámos saber junto do Presidente da AJPA o que é a associação, como se dá a conhecer, qual a sua importância no seio da NATO e qual a sua perspectiva da Aliança Atlântica nos dias de hoje. São estes os temas abordados e desenvolvidos ao longo da entrevista publicada pelo Dez.Interessante.</span></div></i></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><i><br /></i></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><p><object width="425" height="344"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/P8vNw3ONvBQ&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&"><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/P8vNw3ONvBQ&hl=pt_BR&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="425" height="344"></embed></object></p><p></p><p></p><p align="justify"><br /><a href="http://www.chilltime.com/jornal/dezinteressante&article=5921">Entrevista na íntegra aqui</a>.</p><p align="justify"><br />O Dezinteressante foi falar com Samuel de Paiva Pires, presidente da AJPA. A Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico colabora com a CPA e encontra-se ligada à NATO. O presidente da AJPA pretende que esta desempenhe um papel relevante na defesa dos valores atlanticistas e na sua divulgação perante a comunidade nacional e internacional. </p><p align="justify"><br />Catarina Lobato (CL): Começo por perguntar-lhe o que é a AJPA?<br /><br />Samuel Pires (SP): A Associação da Juventude Portuguesa do Atlântico, mais comummente conhecida por AJPA, é uma associação de jovens, que está integrada na Comissão Portuguesa do Atlântico (CPA). Tem vários jovens, universitários, normalmente estudantes de relações internacionais ou de ciência política, em geral de ciências sociais, com interesse pelas diversas matérias da NATO e do atlanticismo. Procura no fundo, junto dos jovens, divulgar os ideais da própria NATO e do atlanticismo.<br /><br />CL: É claro o foco que a AJPA dá a eventos como a SIMOTAN e o PAYS. Quer-nos explicar em que consistem estas actividades e qual a sua projecção a nível nacional e internacional?<br /><br />SP: Aproveito para enquadrar um pouco a AJPA. A AJPA faz parte da CPA, e estas, por sua vez, fazem parte de outras duas associações. Há uma ONG, ligada à divisão de diplomacia pública da NATO, que é a Atlantic Treaty Association (ATA), a qual reúne todas as comissões e associações do atlântico nos diversos países da NATO e Parceiros para a Paz. A ATA tem uma associação de jovens, a Youth Atlantic Treaty Association (YATA), que reúne todas estas associações, como a nossa, também nos diversos países. É nesse quadro que organizamos, todos os anos, tanto a SIMOTAN como o seminário de Verão [PAYS], dois eventos internacionais, que contam com a participação de jovens vindos de outros países. A SIMOTAN tem a duração de três dias e é uma simulação de uma reunião de emergência do Conselho da NATO para resolver uma crise, aquilo que lá fora se chama uma "Crisis management simulation". Nós apresentamos aos participantes um determinado cenário de crise e estes têm por objectivo vir a alcançar uma "draft resolution", que de alguma forma tente resolver a situação em causa. Já agora, a SIMOTAN foi criada há quatro anos e neste ano lectivo decorrerá a quinta edição . O seminário já tem uma longa tradição e é, inclusive, muito reconhecido pela YATA e pela ATA. Já vai na sua 14ª edição e é uma semana numa base militar. Este ano foi na Academia Naval, no Alfeite, e o ano passado tinha sido na Base da Força Aérea, em Sintra. Temos novamente participantes estrangeiros e portugueses numa série de conferências, palestras de vários oradores que convidamos, tanto nacionais como estrangeiros. Este ano, por exemplo, houve uma "Policy making simulation", em que pedimos aos participantes que redijissem, o que seria para eles, o novo conceito estratégico da NATO.<br /><br /><br />CL: A AJPA está, como já referiu, integrada na YATA. Como se estabelece uma ligação AJPA/ YATA e mesmo AJPA/NATO?<br /><br />SP: Como dizia há pouco, a ATA tem as respectivas ATAS nacionais, que, por sua vez, têm as suas juventudes, como a AJPA. Para que um país possa ter um representante na YATA tem primeiro que ter uma comissão que esteja representada na ATA. Só após a Assembleia-geral da ATA aprovar a participação de um país no seu seio é que esse possível membro pode vir a ter uma associação da juventude. É dessa forma que acaba por ser estabelecida a ligação com a YATA e com a ATA. Em relação à NATO em si, a ATA é uma ONG internacional que não faz directamente parte da NATO, mas estando ligada à divisão de diplomacia pública mantêm uma estreita ligação.<br /><br /><br />CL: Enquanto Presidente, considera que a AJPA é importante no seio da NATO, é ouvida como juventude?<br /><br />SP: Sim e vou dar um exemplo do que está a acontecer agora. A NATO e este novo secretário-geral, o Sr. Rasmussen, querem ouvir os jovens, querem que este novo conceito estratégico, aprovado em 2010, além de mais conciso, inclua, de alguma forma, as visões, os pontos de vista das gerações mais jovens, porque vão ser essas gerações, daqui a 10 e 15 anos, a estar à frente das diversas instituições e que terão uma palavra a dizer em relação ao que se passa no seio da NATO. Neste momento há uma crescente motivação para as YATAS e para a AJPA, claro, em tentar fazer chegar à NATO os pontos de vista dos jovens.<br /><br /><br />CL: A NATO tem procurado as novas tecnologias como forma de chegar mais perto das pessoas. Como procuram a CPA e a AJPA divulgar-se junto da opinião pública portuguesa?<br /><br />SP: Pegando apenas no início da sua pergunta, principalmente o novo secretário-geral tem tentado alterar o paradigma comunicacional da NATO e isto precisamente para poder chegar aos jovens. Dessa forma, tem vindo a utilizar crescentemente o Twitter, o Youtube, o Facebook, enfim, as redes sociais, os meios de divulgação na internet. Ao longo deste último ano, o que a CPA e a AJPA procuraram fazer foi, também, adaptar-se a este novo paradigma e entre as várias formas de comunicação, as mais visíveis são a nossa "newsletter" trimestral, o nosso canal no Youtube, o nosso blog, o novo site, os grupos no facebook. Tudo isso tem ajudado a aumentar o interesse por estas questões, temos tido mais pessoas nos nossos eventos, mais pessoas de outros pontos do país, pessoas que entram em contacto connosco, que querem saber aquilo que está a acontecer na NATO e o que nós temos a dizer sobre isso. É dessa forma que tentamos comunicar na sociedade portuguesa aquilo que se vai passando.<br /><br /><br />CL: Muito se tem falado no papel da NATO na actualidade e da sua necessidade de adaptação a um novo cenário internacional. O que pensa sobre este assunto?<br /><br />SP: Eu iria um pouco atrás. Nós somos obrigados sempre a ir aos anais da história. Estamos no ano de 2009, a celebrar o 20º aniversário da queda do Muro de Berlim. Ora, quando o Muro de Berlim caiu e a União Soviética acabaria por se desmoronar, tal como se dissolveu o próprio Pacto de Varsóvia, que era a contra-parte da NATO durante a Guerra-Fria, muitos esperavam que a NATO também se dissolvesse. Depois de 1989, a NATO teve de se adaptar e embora muitos pensassem que a Organização fosse desaparecer, a NATO acabou por ganhar um papel cada vez mais importante no seio da comunidade internacional. É uma organização extremamente atraente para outros países, como vimos ao longo dos anos 90 e mesmo recentemente com a integração dos países da antiga orla soviética. Neste momento, são já 28 os Estados-membros da Organização. O novo conceito estratégico, que será formulado e aprovado depois do conceito estratégico de 1999, o qual ficou desadequado com o 11 de Setembro de 2001, será uma forma de a NATO se adaptar a uma realidade internacional em crescente mudança e cada vez mais acelerada. Isto acontece com a multiplicação da agenda internacional, das várias temáticas que são abordadas e a NATO, hoje em dia, para além de estar no Afeganistão, encontra-se a fazer operações no combate à pirataria na Somália, ajudou em missões humanitárias no Paquistão, aquando do furacão Katrina, nos Estados Unidos. Outro dos exemplo e um assunto cada vez mais premente ao longo dos próximos anos são as alterações climáticas e, mais especificamente, a temática da energia, da "energy security", que é um dos temas principais da agenda da NATO. Portanto, aquilo que a NATO está a procurar fazer é adaptar-se a esta nova realidade internacional e, dizem alguns, tornar-se cada vez mais global. Claro que aqui entra também a relação da Organização com a Rússia e podemos falar ainda de alguns interesses estratégicos divergentes entre os Estados Unidos e a União Europeia no seio da NATO. No fundo, a NATO tem tentado adaptar-se e isso tem sido feito não só a nível político mas também a nível militar através da transformação das capacidades da própria Aliança.<br /><br /><br />CL: Na sua opinião, e enquanto Presidente da AJPA, quais os principais dilemas com que a Aliança Atlântica se depara actualmente?<br /><br />SP: Tal como lhe dizia há pouco, eu apontaria três grandes questões. A primeira, a questão do Afeganistão, o papel que a NATO lá tem desenvolvido e o combate ao terrorismo [no Afeganistão]. A questão das relações com a Rússia, que é extremamente importante. A questão da segurança energética e apontava ainda uma outra parte da questão, do ponto de vista da diplomacia pública e da legitimidade da própria Organização junto da opinião pública, que é precisamente uma nova estratégia comunicacional por parte da própria NATO para que as pessoas entendam porque é necessária a sua existência e a acção.<br /><br /><br />CL: Vai-se realizar em 2010, em Lisboa, uma importante Cimeira. Como é que a CPA e a AJPA se têm preparado para a acolher?<br /><br />SP: A Cimeira que se vai realizar em 2010, e onde será aprovado, à partida, o novo conceito estratégico da NATO, terá lugar no Outuno, Outubro ou Novembro, ainda não há uma data precisa. O que acontece, neste momento, é que a Cimeira de chefes de Estado em si, chefes de Estado e de Governo, será sempre organizada pelo Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros (MNE). Toda a Cimeira em si, toda a lojística recai sobre a alçada do MNE. Da nossa parte, aquilo que estamos disponíveis para fazer, mas ainda não sabemos o que irá acontecer e o que se irá passar, é organizar a Cimeira para os jovens, porque há sempre uma Cimeira, a Young Atlanticist Summit, que precede a Cimeira dos chefes de Estado e de Governo. Foi o que aconteceu este ano, em Estrasburgo. </p></div>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-15844188346566173802009-10-05T00:51:00.001+01:002009-10-05T01:59:04.341+01:00Newsletter CPA/AJPA - N.º 3 - Setembro 2009<div style="text-align: justify;">O n.º 3 da Newsletter da CPA/AJPA já está disponível, <a href="http://cpatl.org/newsletters/cpaajpa_newsletter_3_jul_ago_set09.pdf">aqui</a>.<br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Este é um número especial, em inglês, relativo ao 14.º Seminário da AJPA, que teve lugar na Escola Naval, Alfeite, entre 1 e 8 de Agosto, tendo como tema principal o Novo Conceito Estratégico da NATO.<br /></div>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8388425608775583580.post-16729917169957844762009-09-08T23:37:00.002+01:002009-09-08T23:40:06.594+01:00Newsletter CPA/AJPA - N.º 2 - Julho 2009<div style="text-align: justify;">O segundo número da newsletter da CPA/AJPA está disponível <a href="http://cpatl.org/newsletters/ajpa_newsletter_abr_mai_jun.pdf">aqui</a>.<br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">No fim deste mês será lançado um número especial, em inglês, relativo ao 14.º Seminário da AJPA.</div>Samuel de Paiva Pireshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07084110311008219562noreply@blogger.com0